Jonathan Rose is William R. Kenan Jr Professor of History at Drew University. His 2001 book for Yale, The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes, was winner of many prizes including the Jacques Barzun Prize in Cultural History and was named a Book of the Year by The Economist magazine.
This strikingly original book introduces a Winston Churchill we have not known before. Award-winning author Jonathan Rose explores in tandem Churchill's careers as statesman and author, revealing the profound influence of literature and theatre on Churchill's personal, carefully composed grand story and on the decisions he made throughout his political life. Rose provides in this expansive literary biography an analysis of Churchill's writings and their reception (he won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1953 and was a best-selling author), and a chronicle of his dealings with publishers, editors, literary agents, and censors. The book also identifies an array of authors who shaped Churchill's own writings and politics: George Bernard Shaw, H. G. Wells, Margaret Mitchell, George Orwell, Oscar Wilde, and many more. Rose investigates the effect of Churchill's passion for theatre on his approach to reportage, memoirs and historical works. Perhaps most remarkably, Rose reveals the unmistakable influence of Churchill's reading on every important episode of his public life, including his championship of social reform, plans for the Gallipoli invasion, command during the Blitz, crusade for Zionism, and efforts to prevent a nuclear arms race. In a fascinating conclusion, Rose traces the significance of Churchill's writings to later generations of politicians, among them President John F. Kennedy as he struggled to extricate the U.S. from the Cuban Missile Crisis.
Joe Clark - statesman, businessman, writer, and politician - served as the sixteenth prime minister of Canada from 4 June 1979 to 3 March 1980. Despite his relative inexperience, Clark rose quickly in federal politics, gaining a seat in the House of Commons in the 1972 election and winning the leadership of the Progressive Conservative Party only four years later. This volume collects a number of significant speeches from Joe Clark's illustrious career in Parliament. It captures over forty years of his public service from when he was a rookie member of Parliament, to his time as the prime minister, a cabinet minister, and the senior statesman of the House of Commons. His speeches are arranged in thematic areas such as parliamentary accountability, foreign affairs, constitutional debates, and the economy. Insightful and wide-ranging, A Man of Parliament demonstrates that Joe Clark's influence on Parliament continues to shape contemporary policy debates.
Between 1933 and 1945, Nazi Germany systematically destroyed an estimated 100 million books throughout occupied Europe, an act that was inextricably bound up with the murder of 6 million Jews. By burning and looting libraries and censoring un-German publications, the Nazis aimed to eradicate all traces of Jewish culture along with the Jewish people themselves. The Holocaust and the Book examines this bleak chapter in the history of printing, reading, censorship, and libraries. The topics include the development of Nazi censorship policies, the celebrated library of the Vilna ghetto, the confiscation of books from the Sephardic communities in Rome and Salonika, the experience of reading in the ghettos and concentration camps, the rescue of Polish incunabula, the uses of fine printing by the Dutch underground, and the suppression of Jewish books and authors in the Soviet Union. Several authors discuss the continuing relevance of Nazi book burnings to the present day, with essays on German responses to Friedrich Nietzsche and the destruction of Bosnian libraries in the 1990s.The collection also includes eyewitness accounts by Holocaust survivors and a translation of Herman Kruk's report on the Vilna ghetto library. An annotated bibliography offers readers a concise guide to research in this growing field.
Through detailed analyses of major and newly available datasets, this study examines the utility of a public probity-focused approach to understanding citizen disaffection with politicians. It shows that perceptions of public probity are coherent, substantively meaningful, responsive, and, most importantly, that they do matter.
Comment les dirigeants d'une federation prennent-ils d'importantes decisions? Quels interets doivent primer : ceux des etats federes ou ceux du gouvernement federal? Quels sont les avantages et les couts d'un federalisme asymetrique et symetrique? Voila quelques-unes des questions abordees dans L'art de la negociation. Ce livre propose une simulation visant a aider les etudiants a comprendre le role des negociations dans les relations intergouvernementales. Le contexte est celui d'une federation fictive: le Holden. Les participants jouent les roles de premier ministre, de gouverneurs et de ministres lors d'une conference intergouvernementale. Ils apprennent ainsi comment les pays federes gerent des questions controversees comme la protection culturelle et linguistique des minorites, la distribution appropriee de la richesse economique entre les etats, et les ajustements qui doivent etre effectues lorsqu'un pays s'engage a liberaliser son commerce avec ses voisins. Bien que le Holden soit une federation fictive, les problemes debattus dans ce livre correspondent a ceux que doivent affronter presque tous les pays federes : l'egalite fiscale, la protection culturelle des minorites et le juste equilibre des pouvoirs entre gouvernement central et gouvernements provinciaux ou etatiques.
How do leaders in a federation make important decisions? Whose interests should be paramount: those of the state or the federal government? What are the costs and benefits of symmetrical and asymmetrical federalism? These are some of the questions explored in The Art of Negotiation. This book sets up a game or simulation intended to help students understand the role of negotiation in intergovernmental relations. The setting is the fictional country of Holden. Participants role-play first ministers and other ministers at an intergovernmental conference. They learn how federal states manage such issues as the competing and conflicting demands of cultural and linguistic protection for minorities, the appropriate distribution of economic wealth among its states, and the accommodations that need to be made when a country engages in more liberalized trade with its neighbours. Though Holden is not real, the problems discussed in this book are ones faced by virtually all federal countries: issues of language, fiscal equality, cultural protection of minorities, and the appropriate balance of power between central and provincial or state governments.