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See below for a selection of the latest books from Constitutional & administrative law category. Presented with a red border are the Constitutional & administrative law books that have been lovingly read and reviewed by the experts at Lovereading. With expert reading recommendations made by people with a passion for books and some unique features Lovereading will help you find great Constitutional & administrative law books and those from many more genres to read that will keep you inspired and entertained. And it's all free!
Constitutional law in Latin America embodies a mosaic of national histories, political experiments, and institutional transitions. No matter how distinctive these histories and transitions might be, there are still commonalities that transcend the mere geographical contiguity of these countries. This Handbook depicts the constitutional landscape of Latin America by shedding light on its most important differences and affinities, qualities and drawbacks, and by assessing its overall standing in the global enterprise of democratic constitutionalism. It engages with substantive and methodological conundrums of comparative constitutional law in the region, drawing meaningful comparisons between constitutional traditions. The volume is divided into two main parts. Part I focuses on exploring the constitutions for seventeen jurisdictions, offering a comprehensive country-by-country critique of the historical foundations, institutional architecture, and rights-based substantive identity of each constitution. Part II presents comparative analyses on the most controversial constitutional topics of the region, exploring central concepts in institutions and rights. The Oxford Handbook of Constitutional Law in Latin America is an essential resource for scholars and students of comparative constitutional law, and Latin American politics and history Written by leading experts, it comprehensively examines constitutions, controversies, institutions, and constitutional rights in Latin America.
The West's cherished dream of social harmony by numbers is today disrupting all our familiar legal frameworks - the state, democracy and law itself. Its scientistic vision shaped both Taylorism and Soviet Planning, and today, with 'globalisation', it is flourishing in the form of governance by numbers. Shunning the goal of governing by just laws, and empowered by the information and communication technologies, governance champions a new normative ideal of attaining measurable objectives. Programmes supplant legislation, and governance displaces government. However, management by objectives revives forms of law typical of economic vassalage. When a person is no longer protected by a law applying equally to all, the only solution is to pledge allegiance to someone stronger than oneself. Rule by law had already secured the principle of impersonal power, but in taking this principle to extremes, governance by numbers has paradoxically spawned a world ruled by ties of allegiance.
Following the financial and public debt crisis, the EU's Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) has been under intense political scrutiny. The measures adopted in response to the crisis have granted additional powers to the EU (and national) authorities, the exercise of which can have massive implications for the economies of the Member States, financial institutions and, of course, citizens. The following questions arise: how can we hold accountable those institutions that are exercising power at the national and EU level? What is the appropriate level, type and degree of accountability and transparency that should be involved in the development of the EU's governance structures in the areas of fiscal and economic governance and the Banking Union? What is the role of parliaments and courts in holding those institutions accountable for the exercise of their duties? Is the revised EMU framework democratically legitimate? How can we bridge the gap between the citizens - and the institutions that represent them - and those institutions that are making these important decisions in the field of economic and monetary policy? This book principally examines the mechanisms for political and legal accountability in the EMU and the Banking Union. It examines the implications that the reforms of EU economic governance have had for the locus and strength of executive power in the Union, as well as the role of parliaments (and other political fora) and courts in holding the institutions acting in this area accountable for the exercise of their tasks. It further sets out several proposals regarding transparency, accountability, and legitimacy in the EMU.
Historically, critics of interracial, interfaith, and most recently same-sex marriage have invoked conscience and religious liberty to defend their objections, and often they have been accused of bigotry. Although denouncing and preventing bigotry is a shared political value with a long history, people disagree over who is a bigot and what makes a belief, attitude, or action bigoted. This is evident from the rejoinder that calling out bigotry is intolerant political correctness, even bigotry itself. In Who's the Bigot?, the eminent legal scholar Linda C. McClain traces the rhetoric of bigotry and conscience across a range of debates relating to marriage and antidiscrimination law. Is bigotry simply the term society gives to repudiated beliefs that now are beyond the pale? She argues that the differing views people hold about bigotry reflect competing understandings of what it means to be on the wrong side of history and the ways present forms of discrimination resemble or differ from past forms. Furthermore, McClain shows that bigotry has both a backward- and forward-looking dimension. We not only learn the meaning of bigotry by looking to the past, but we also use examples of bigotry, on which there is now consensus, as the basis for making new judgments about what does or does not constitute bigotry and coming to new understandings of both injustice and justice. By examining charges of bigotry and defenses based on conscience and religious belief in these debates, Who's the Bigot? makes a novel and timely contribution to our understanding of the relationship between religious liberty and discrimination in American life.
After a brief historical account of Italy's constitutional system under the Statuto Albertino, this book focuses on how the Italian Constitution of 1948 has evolved over the last sixty years, an evolution that has led many commentators to talk of a 'Second' or even 'Third Republic' regardless of formal amendments to the constitution. Subsequent chapters consider the role played by Italy's main constitutional actors: the Council of Ministers and its President, the Parliament, the President of the Republic and the Constitutional Court. Particular emphasis is placed on the political dimensions of Italy's constitution, including the anomalies of the country's ever-changing party system. The text will, where appropriate, introduce a comparative dimension by considering the similarities and differences of Italy's constitutional system with those of other countries. In addition there will be chapters specifically devoted to the evolution of regional government, which is discussed as a form of 'Italian devolution', and to fundamental and basic rights. With regard to the latter, particular attention will be given to the case law of the Italian Constitutional Court and the emergence of 'new rights' not explicitly provided for in the 1948 Constitution. The discussion concludes with a look to the future, evaluating the prospects of Italy becoming a fully-fledged federal state and the possibility of adopting a directly elected Prime Minister or President of the Republic. The book is written in a style that makes it accessible to readers who may be unfamiliar with the Italian legal system and each chapter includes a list of further readings.
Ireland has one of the world's longest-lasting and best established democratic constitutional systems, dating back to the original Free State Constitution of 1922. The subsequent 1937 Constitution can be seen as one of world's first post-colonial constitutional instruments, and was a considerable influence on the framing of other post-colonial constitutions in Africa and Asia. In addition, the 1922 and 1937 Constitutions were among the first in Europe to contain a judicially enforceable set of rights guarantees. As a result, Ireland has a long history of judicial activism and an extensive rights jurisprudence, which has generated a controversial case-law in areas such as abortion, reproductive rights, criminal evidence, freedom of expression, socio-economic rights and equality norms. The Irish constitutional system is also almost unique in its particular conception of the State and how it conceptualises the separation of powers. Taken together, all these features make the Irish constitutional system highly distinctive and of great interest from a comparative perspective. However, to understand its workings, it is necessary to also examine the background political and legal context. The Irish constitutional order has been shaped by the desire since independence to differentiate the new state from the 'old' order of British rule. An independent Ireland was to be a constitutional democracy rooted in respect for individual dignity. However, balancing the idealism of independence with the complex realities of constitutional governance has proved difficult. In addition, the ongoing Northern Irish peace process and European integration continue to throw up fresh challenges. This book adopts a contextual and comparative approach in exploring the ongoing evolution of this complex and influential constitutional system.
The Law of Nations and the United States Constitution offers a new lens through which anyone interested in constitutional governance in the United States should analyze the role and status of customary international law in U.S. courts. The book explains that the law of nations has not interacted with the Constitution in any single overarching way. Rather, the Constitution was designed to interact in distinct ways with each of the three traditional branches of the law of nations that existed when it was adopted - namely, the law merchant, the law of state-state relations, and the law maritime. By disaggregating how different parts of the Constitution interacted with different kinds of international law, the book provides an account of historical understandings and judicial precedent that will help judges and scholars more readily identify and resolve the constitutional questions presented by judicial use of customary international law today. Part I describes the three traditional branches of the law of nations and examines their relationship with the Constitution. Part II describes the emergence of modern customary international law in the twentieth century, considers how it differs from the traditional branches of the law of nations, and explains why its role or status in U.S. courts requires an independent, context-specific analysis of its interaction with the Constitution. Part III assesses how both modern and traditional customary international law should be understood to interact with the Constitution today.
For many observers, the European Union is mired in a deep crisis. Between sluggish growth; political turmoil following a decade of austerity politics; Brexit; and the rise of Asian influence, the EU is seen as a declining power on the world stage. Columbia Law professor Anu Bradford argues the opposite in her important new book The Brussels Effect: the EU remains an influential superpower that shapes the world in its image. By promulgating regulations that shape the international business environment, elevating standards worldwide, and leading to a notable Europeanization of many important aspects of global commerce, the EU has managed to shape policy in areas such as data privacy, consumer health and safety, environmental protection, antitrust, and online hate speech. And in contrast to how superpowers wield their global influence, the Brussels Effect - a phrase first coined by Bradford in 2012- absolves the EU from playing a direct role in imposing standards, as market forces alone are often sufficient as multinational companies voluntarily extend the EU rule to govern their global operations. The Brussels Effect shows how the EU has acquired such power, why multinational companies use EU standards as global standards, and why the EU's role as the world's regulator is likely to outlive its gradual economic decline, extending the EU's influence long into the future.
Hong Kong is widely regarded as an exemplar of authoritarian jurisdictions with a positive history of adhering to Rule of Law shaped governance systems. British Hong Kong provides a remarkable story of the effective development and consolidation of such a system, which has continued to apply since 1997 when it became the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) within the People's Republic of China (PRC). This book adopts a fresh approach in examining the evolution of Hong Kong's political-legal experience. It establishes that these prominent governance achievements were built on particular British constitutional foundations forged over many centuries. The work shows how the analysis of the British theorist Albert Dicey and, in particular, `Diceyan Constitutionalism' was fundamental, within the pivotal context of `Chinese Familism', in shaping the development of governance institutions and operational procedures within the new British Colony. It discusses how Hong Kong's system of Authoritarian Legality has come to pass. Exploring the essence of that system, the study probes how thoroughly it has been stress-tested, not least in 2019, and how well it may be placed to cope with tests yet to come. It also analyzes Hong Kong-Beijing relations and the long-term prospects for the HKSAR within the PRC based on a balanced contemporary assessment of China's exceptional One Party State.
This translation into English of the leading German-language work on the Federal Constitutional Court gives an overview of the court's history and role as one of the most influential constitutional courts in recent years. The book consists of four extended, free-standing essays written by each of the authors. The essays cover the historical development and political context of the Court; the Court and the constitution; the Court's approach to judicial reasoning; and the Court in contemporary constitutional theory.
Contrasting two Protestant justices who hold distinctively different worldviews, Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist and Justice Harry A. Blackmun, this book explores how each came to hold his worldview, how each applied it in Supreme Court rulings, and how it led them to differing outcomes for liberty, equality, and justice. This clash of worldviews between Rehnquist, whose religious and philosophical influences were anchored in the Reformation, and Blackmun, whose Reformation theology was modified by Enlightenment philosophy, provide the context to examine the true nature of justice, liberty, and equality and to consider how such ideals can be maintained in a society with increasingly divergent worldviews.
The Supreme Court has unanimously held that Jackson Pollock's paintings, Arnold Schoeenberg's music, and Lewis Carroll's poem Jabberwocky are unquestionably shielded by the First Amendment. Nonrepresentational art, instrumental music, and nonsense: all receive constitutional coverage under an amendment protecting the freedom of speech, even though none involves what we typically think of as speech-the use of words to convey meaning. As a legal matter, the Court's conclusion is clearly correct, but its premises are murky, and they raise difficult questions about the possibilities and limitations of law and expression. Nonrepresentational art, instrumental music, and nonsense do not employ language in any traditional sense, and sometimes do not even involve the transmission of articulable ideas. How, then, can they be treated as speech for constitutional purposes? What does the difficulty of that question suggest for First Amendment law and theory? And can law resolve such inquiries without relying on aesthetics, ethics, and philosophy? Comprehensive and compelling, this book represents a sustained effort to account, constitutionally, for these modes of speech. While it is firmly centered in debates about First Amendment issues, it addresses them in a novel way, using subject matter that is uniquely well suited to the task, and whose constitutional salience has been under-explored. Drawing on existing legal doctrine, aesthetics, and analytical philosophy, three celebrated law scholars show us how and why speech beyond words should be fundamental to our understanding of the First Amendment.