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See below for a selection of the latest books from Political leaders & leadership category. Presented with a red border are the Political leaders & leadership books that have been lovingly read and reviewed by the experts at Lovereading. With expert reading recommendations made by people with a passion for books and some unique features Lovereading will help you find great Political leaders & leadership books and those from many more genres to read that will keep you inspired and entertained. And it's all free!
Oscar Arias Sanchez was awarded the 1987 Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to end the civil unrest raging in several Central American countries at that time. Then the president of Costa Rica, Sanchez was the main architect of the Esquipulas II Accords, a plan to promote democracy and peace in the region during a time of great turmoil and outside influence in the midst of the cold war. This in-depth biography, which traces Oscar Arias Sanchez's lifetime, his path to the prize, and his continuing efforts to promote progress in his homeland, is an inspirational tale that shows how hope and dedication can triumph in the face of uncertainty and conflict.
Jimmy Carter was, according to Erwin Hargrove, the first modern Democratic president to be substantially ahead of the party coalition. Concerned with issues of the future - inflation, the need for tax reform, energy shortages - Carter anticipated many questions that are only now being addressed, nearly a decade after his troubled tenure in office. The years 1976 to 1980 were difficult years for a Democrat to be president - especially difficult for a southern moderate who viewed the world in Wilsonian terms and who was politically unaligned, essentially an outsider in his party and in Washington. But Carter's inability to read or manipulate the political scene was not the only problem to beleaguer his presidency. Events such as the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the capture of American hostages in Iran also worked against Carter, creating situations in which no amount of political acumen could have salvaged his presidency. Hargrove places Carter in historical perspective. Examining his frequently overlooked successes, as well as his failures, Hargrove analyses both the content and the methods of Carter's policy leadership. His style of leadership is studied in the light of his beliefs and values, and of his problem-solving skills and experience. This profile draws heavily upon interviews with members of Carter's White House staff. In a consideration for Carter's domestic, economic, and foreign policies, Hargrove shows the congruence of purpose, politics, and process as a president shapes decision making. Because Carter was skilled at solving specific problems, he achieved notable successes - the Panama Canal Treaty, the Camp David Accord, and the SALT II talks - when he could keep matters in his own hands. Yet, despite such policy successes, his inability to build strong coalitions and delegate authority, exacerbated by uncontrollable world events, doomed Carter to political defeat. Throughout Jimmy Carter as President, Hargrove emphasises that in our assessment of presidents, we should evaluate skill within the historical context and thereby better understanding the ingredients of presidential success. Hargrove's effective and extensive use of interviews proves the advantages of integrating oral history into scholarly research and writing.
This title provides a comprehensive assessment of the Nixon administration. It should serve as a useful introduction for readers who are as interested in Nixon's presidency as they are in his personality. Melvin Small addresses a number of topics such as the strength of Nixon's domestic and foreign policies, as he surveys every important facet of the Nixon presidency.
George W. Bush has been branded the worst president in history and forced to endure accusations that he abused his power while presiding over a lawless administration. Stephen Knott, however, contends that Bush has been treated unfairly, especially by presidential historians and the media. He argues that from the beginning scholars abandoned any pretence at objectivity in their critiques and seemed unwilling to place Bush's actions into a broader historical context. In this provocative book, Knott offers a measured critique of the professoriate for its misuse of scholarship for partisan political purposes, a defence of the Hamiltonian perspective on the extent and use of executive power, and a rehabilitation of Bush's reputation from a national security viewpoint. He argues that Bush's conduct as chief executive was rooted in a tradition extending as far back as George Washington-not an imperial presidency but rather an activist one that energetically executed its constitutional prerogatives. Given that one of the main indictments of Bush focuses on his alleged abuse of presidential war power, Knott takes on academic critics like Sean Wilentz and Arthur Schlesinger Jr. and journalists like Charlie Savage to argue instead that Bush conducted the War on Terror in a manner faithful to the Framers' intent-that in situations involving national security he rightly assumed powers that neither Congress nor the courts can properly restrain. Knott further challenges Bush's detractors for having applied a relatively recent, revisionist understanding of the Constitution in arguing that Bush's actions were out of bounds. Ultimately, Knott makes a worthy case that, while Bush was not necessarily a great president, his national security policies were in keeping with the practices of America's most revered presidents and, for that reason alone, he deserves a second look by those who have condemned him to the ash heap of history. All readers interested in the presidency and in American history writ large will find Rush to Judgment a deftly argued, perhaps deeply unsettling, yet balanced account of the Bush presidency-and a clarion call for a re-examination of how scholars determine presidential greatness and failure.
A Presidential Civil Service offers a comprehensive and definitive study of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's Liaison Office for Personnel Management (LOPM). Established in 1939 following the release of Roosevelt's Brownlow Committee report, LOPM became a key milestone in the evolution of the contemporary executive-focused civil service. The Progressive Movement of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries comprised groups across the political spectrum with quite different. All, however, agreed on the need for a politically autonomous and independent federal Civil Service Commission (CSC) to eliminate patronage and political favoritism. In A Presidential Civil Service, public administration scholar Mordecai Lee explores two models open to later reformers: continuing a merit-based system isolated from politics or a management-based system subordinated to the executive and grounded in the growing field of managerial science. Roosevelt's 1937 Brownlow Committee, formally known as the President's Committee on Administrative Management, has been widely studied including its recommendation to disband the CSC and replace it with a presidential personnel director. What has never been documented in detail was Roosevelt's effort to implement that recommendation over the objections of Congress by establishing the LOPM as a nonstatutory agency. The role and existence of LOPM from 1939 to 1945 has been largely dismissed in the history of public administration. Lee's meticulously researched A Presidential Civil Service, however, persuasively shows that LOPM played a critical role in overseeing personnel policy. It was involved in every major HR initiative before and during World War II. Though small, the agency's deft leadership almost always succeeded at impelling the CSC to follow its lead. Roosevelt's actions were in fact an artful and creative victory, a move finally vindicated when, in 1978, Congress abolished the CSC and replaced it with an Office of Personnel Management headed by a presidential appointee. A Presidential Civil Service offers a fascinating account and vital reassessment of the enduring legacy of Roosevelt's LOPM.
Notified of his nomination for a second term in June 1872, Ulysses S. Grant accepted, promising the same zeal and devotion to the good of the whole people for the future of my official life, as shown in the past. Challenged by a coalition of disaffected Republicans and Democrats led by New York Tribune editor Horace Greeley, Grant was privately optimistic about his own chances. There has been no time from the Baltimore Convention to this when I have felt the least anxiety. The Soreheads & thieves who have deserted the republican party have strengthened it by their departure. Despite his confidence, Grant found it difficult to ignore attacks against him-attacks that prudence prevented him from answering directly. He found vindication, however, on election day, when he carried all but six states. When Greeley died soon afterward, Grant set aside any bitterness and joined mourners at the New York City funeral. Among the policies that voters tacitly endorsed were Grant's continuing efforts to quell violence in the South, which achieved some success during 1872. He sought as before to support and encourage embattled Southern Republicans, hoping eventually to replace military protection with political legitimacy. On the subject of civil rights, he repeated his desire that blacks receive equal treatment in everyday life, telling a delegation that a ticket on a railroad or other conveyance should entitle you to all that it does other men. Grant also maintained a steady course toward Indians, defending his peace policy when many clamored for harsher measures. I do not believe our Creator ever placed different races of men on this earth with the view of having the stronger exert all his energies in exterminating the weaker. Protestant and Catholic missionaries and laymen continued to spread the twin gospels of religion and civilization among the various tribes. When a Sioux delegation visited the White House, Grant spoke of the future when the game will be gone and of his hope that the Sioux would join other tribes and move to Indian Territory. We would at first build houses for your chiefs and principal men, and . . . send you large herds of cattle and sheep to live upon. Grant's foreign policy in 1872 centered on the Geneva tribunal, established the previous year to arbitrate the thorny dispute with Great Britain over the Alabama Claims. At stake were both the responsibility for past damages and future rules for neutral countries. Grant and Secretary of State Hamilton Fish debated long over the men best suited to present the United States' case. When the tribunal awarded $15.5 million to the United States, Grant and Fish celebrated their greatest foreign policy achievement. Several minor scandals clouded the horizon in 1872, most notably at the New York City customhouse, where influence peddling by former staff aide George K. Leet came under congressional scrutiny and led to testimony from Grant's personal secretaries concerning White House encounters. While this scandal soon faded from headlines, it foreshadowed more damaging ones to come. In his personal life, Grant watched as his children began to find their own ways in the world. Emulating the fashion of the upper class, all three older children toured Europe, forcing Grant to borrow money from friends. Left with a suddenly quiet household, Grant repeatedly urged old and newfound friends to visit the White House and the summer cottage at Long Branch, New Jersey.
Presenting an account of mental illness in British prime ministers from Sir Robert Walpole, generally regarded as the first to hold the position, to Tony Blair, this book reveals how depression, anxiety, dementia, and alcohol or drug use disorders have impacted British leaders over three centuries. It begins with an introduction explaining the principles of diagnosis, the methods used to assess subjects and the assignment of confidence levels in each diagnosis, and the overall significance of mental disorder in political leaders. Individual assessments then follow for each of Britain's 51 prime ministers, revealing how evidence for psychiatric problems was found in over 70% of cases and how the prevalence of mental disorders remained relatively constant throughout the 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries.
Robert P. Watson's groundbreaking study on the presidents' wives proved that the first lady can be an influential force in presidential politics and is a subject worthy of scholarly attention. Now, this fully revised second edition incorporates the first ladyships of Hillary Rodham Clinton, Laura Bush, and Michelle Obama in each chapter. The new edition also includes a decade-and-a-half of new research on public opinion, the growth and political development of the East Wing, and the issue of first lady character.
Elected in hard times and serving throughout a catastrophic global war, Franklin Delano Roosevelt confronted crises of epic proportions during his record 12-year tenure. This volume provides an account of his much-debated presidency, describing the successes and failures of his landmark administration and offering a new perspective on the New Deal. George McJimsey's study portrays Roosevelt as a pluralist leader whose various New Deal programmes empowered the American people to combat America's Great Depression at the grass roots. During the Depression, Roosevelt hoped to create a co-operative commonwealth that would create a strong America at home, as later during World War II he sought to create an international order based on Allied co-operation and American leadership. McJimsey pays particular attention to the political environment in which Roosevelt's presidency functioned and how it both created opportunities and limited his choices. Roosevelt, he shows, was often unable to avoid pluralism's pitfalls as he found he had to work through corrupt city bosses, patronage-hungry congressmen and profit-driven businessmen. As the author observes, he was repeatedly forced to manoeuvre and manipulate to hold the reins of power. A separate chapter on Eleanor Roosevelt describes her emergence as a public figure and her advocacy of social causes, exploring how she acted on issues that her husband hesitated to address. In addition, the book analyzes important policy issues involving and affecting women and Native Americans, and sheds light on the policy changes of 1935 and 1937, the roles of FDR's close associates, and the ultimate impact of his actions on democracy.
Advocates of rational choice theory in political science have been perceived by their critics as attempting to establish an intellectual hegemony in contemporary social science, to the detriment of alternative methods of research. The debate has gained a nonacademic audience, hitting the pages of the New York Times and the New Republic. In the academy, the antagonists have expressed their views in books, journal articles, and at professional conferences. Mark I. Lichbach addresses the question of the place of rational choice theory in the social sciences in general and in political science in particular. He presents a typology of the antagonists as either rationalist, culturalist, or structuralist and offers an insightful examination of the debate. He reveals that the rationalist bid for hegemony and synthesis is rooted in the weaknesses, not the strengths, of rationalist thought. He concludes that the various theoretical camps are unlikely to accept the claimed superiority of the rationalist approach but that this opposition is of value in itself to the social sciences, which requires multiple perspectives to remain healthy. With its penetrating examination of the assumptions and basic arguments of each of the sides to this debate, this book cuts through the partisan rhetoric and provides an essential roadmap for the future of the discipline. Mark I. Lichbach is Professor of Government and Politics, University of Maryland.
In Power in the Balance: Presidents, Parties, and Legislatures in Peru and Beyond, Barry S. Levitt answers urgent questions about executive power in new democracies. He examines in rich detail the case of Peru, from President Alan Garcia's first term (1985-1990), to the erosion of democracy under President Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), through the interim government of Valentin Paniagua (2000-2001) and the remarkable, if rocky, renewal of democracy culminating in Alejandro Toledo's 2001-2006 presidency. This turbulent experience with democracy brings into clear focus the functioning of formal political institutions--constitutions and electoral laws, presidents and legislatures, political parties and leaders--while also exposing the informal side of Peru's national politics over the course of two decades. Levitt's study of politics in Peru also provides a test case for his regional analysis of cross-national differences and change over time in presidential power across eighteen Latin American countries. In Peru and throughout Latin America, Levitt shows, the rule of law itself and the organizational forms of political parties have a stronger impact on legislative-executive relations than do most of the institutional traits and constitutional powers that configure the formal rules of the game for high politics. His findings, and their implications for improving the quality of new democracies everywhere, will surprise promoters, practitioners, and scholars of democratic politics alike.
Trumplandia: Populist Nationalism in America is a collection of essays about the transformation of America, which has turned from a united nation to one more divided than ever under the presidency of Donald Trump. Some pundits predict that if things don't change another civil war could occur. Have we reached a point of no return? Author and attorney Tiberiu Dianu writes in the hope that America is mature enough to learn from its mistakes and avoid further scars along its evolving history.