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Although in the past few years occasional brief monographs on se- lected aspects of the Communist movement in some parts of the Singapore-Malaysian area have been published, a comprehensive booklength study has not appeared thus far. The present volume is an initial step in that direction. It is, in the main, a political survey which has taken account of social and economic factors only when the par- ticular focus of the book demanded it. Since most of what has been written up till now about Communism in Singapore and Malaysia has concerned itself with the Malayan guerilla insurgency and its various ramifications in the late forties and fifties, the following pages have placed primary emphasis on events in the last five years, especially on the period since the formation of the Federation of Malaysia on Sep- tember 16, 1963. The absence, moreover, ofa formal above ground Malaysian Communist Party today has of necessity structured this inquiry in terms of the operations of various shifting Communist fronts and their relationship to the problems of the present Singapore and Malaysian political environment upon which they feed. Communism in Malaysia today, as Malaysian security officials whom this writer interviewed, repeatedly emphasized, is a matter of scattered eruptions and comparatively isolated front activity with few if any inter-organizational linkages. Research certainly confirms a picture of a rather fragmented movement. Along with Malaysia's geographic peculiarities this circumstance has dictated a region by region approach in the following pages.
Die vorliegende Habilitationsscl: trift ist das Ergebnis zweieinhalb- jahriger recl: ttsvergleichender Studien am Juristischen Seminar der Uni- versitat Munchen. Hat mir die Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung durch ihre grozugige Dotation zu unbescl: twerter wissenschaftlicher Mue ver- holfen, so verdanke ich Herrn Professor Dr. RunoLF PoHLE eine uberaus fruchtbare Scl: tau in den Deutschen Zivjlproze, aber auch magebenden menscl: tlicl: ten Beistand. Auf osterreichischem Boden bin icl: t verpflicl: ttet meinem akademi- scl: ten Lehrer, Herrn Professor Dr. ERICH SAcHERS, der mich zum Thema lliD.geregt hat, sowie Herrn Ehrensenator UTTo LANGE, Inhaber des Sprin- ger-Verlags, fur das beispielhafte Entgegenkommen. W i e n, im Sommer 1965 Richard Holzhammer Inhaltsverzeichnis Seite Abkurzungsverzeichnis IX Erster Teil Wesen I. Historische Entwicldung . 1 II. Begriff der Streitgenossenschaft . 9 III. Selbstandigkeit und Betrieb verbundener Prozesse . 11 IV. Klagenhaufung und Prozeverbindung 15 V. Gewillkurter Parteibeitritt 21 VI. Die einheitliche Streitpartei des 14 ZPO 30 VII. Die notwendige Streitgenossenschaft des 62 DZPO 36 VIII. Vertretung untatiger Streitgenossen 40 Zweiter Teil Voraussetzungen IX. Selbstandige Streitgenossenschaft 49 X. Parteienhaufung und Zustandigkeit 58 XI. Identitat des Sachverhalts und des Streitgegenstands 71 XII. Ansprudlsgebundene Streitgenossenschaft 77 XIII. Wirkungsgebundene Streitgenossenschaft 98 Dritter Teil Wirkungen XIV. Selbstandige Streitgenossenschaft . . . 116 XV. Gebundene Streitgenossenschaft - Ubersicht 126 XVI. Widerspredlendes Verhalten tatiger Streitgenossen 130 XVII. Untatigkeit einzelner Streitgenossen . 135 143 XVIII. Zustellung und fristgebundenes Handeln .
In this classic work, Leo Strauss examines the problem of natural right and argues that there is a firm foundation in reality for the distinction between right and wrong in ethics and politics. On the centenary of Strauss's birth, and the fiftieth anniversary of the Walgreen Lectures which spawned the work, Natural Right and History remains as controversial and essential as ever. Strauss ...makes a significant contribution towards an understanding of the intellectual crisis in which we find ourselves ...[and] brings to his task an admirable scholarship and a brilliant, incisive mind. --John H. Hallowell, American Political Science Review Leo Strauss (1899-1973) was the Robert Maynard Hutchins Distinguished Service Professor Emeritus in Political Science at the University of Chicago.
The legal status of the institution of diplomatic asylum really presents two separate questions. (I) Is there evidence that states have regarded the practice of granting such asylum to political refugees as sanctioned by a rule of international law? (2) Assuming this to be the case, does the available evidence make it possible to define a political refugee and to determine which party to a dispute has the right to decide upon this question? While in many cases the two questions are not dearly separated in the discussions between the parties involved, they will be treated separately in the following pages. Part one will attempt to answer this question: Assuming the political nature of an offence can be establish- ed, is there evidence that states have regarded the practice of granting diplomatic asylum as sanctioned by a rule of international law? Obviously, the two questions cannot be separated entirely but it seems advisable to try to isolate them as much as possible. CHAPTER I NATURE AND SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM The term asylum is used to identify such a variety of phenomena that the following distinctions must be made before the problem can be properly discussed I. Between diplomatic and territorial asylum. The importance of this distinction was pointed out by the International Court of Justice in the Colombian-Peruvian Asylum Case,l often referred to as the Haya de la Torre Case.
This book is prepared primarily for students who are interested in studying the constitutional development and government structure of twentieth-century China. Since the emergence of the Chinese consti- tutional movement at the end of the nineteenth century, political institutions in China have undergone constant changes. The first four chapters treat of constitutional development and government systems from the latter part of the Ch'ing dynasty to the re-unification of China by the Nationalist Party in 1928. The other eight chapters deal with the policies, programs, and institutions of the Nationalist and Commu- nist governments up to 1962. While treatises on various subjects have been consulted, the sources of this book are chiefly based on the official documents from the collections as indicated in the bibliography. Materials in the first few chapters are partly drawn from my previous works on government and politics in China. Because of the immense scope of the subject and the intricacy of the problems involved, this work is not intended to be exhaustive, but is rather a brief description and discussion of each topic under consideration. As there are many valuable works on China in general as well as on her history and inter- national relations, I have tried not to cover what has already been dealt with by others. In my presentation of facts and views, I have endeavored to be as objective as possible, personal political convictions notwithstanding.