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See below for a selection of the latest books from Violence in society category. Presented with a red border are the Violence in society books that have been lovingly read and reviewed by the experts at Lovereading. With expert reading recommendations made by people with a passion for books and some unique features Lovereading will help you find great Violence in society books and those from many more genres to read that will keep you inspired and entertained. And it's all free!
In After Homicide, Sarah Goodrum explores what the families of murder victims confront as they encounter the multiple members of the criminal justice system - police officers and counselors, prosecutors and judges, and more. Goodrum traces each step of a murder investigation and trial, and also deals with situations where no arrests are made and those where the perpetrator commits suicide at the scene of the crime. Based on extensive field research, her book is a uniquely comprehensive look at how the families of victims are helped, and sometimes hindered, by the justice system.
Workplace violence can occur anywhere: schools, office buildings, hospitals, or late-night convenience stores. It can occur day or night, inside or outside of the workplace, and it can include threats, harassment, bullying, stalking, verbal abuse, and intimidation. Left unchecked, workplace violence can lead to physical assaults and homicide. This updated edition of The Workplace Violence Prevention Handbook tackles this often overlooked but pervasive problem and provides a comprehensive five-step process for understanding and preventing it.
Using France as a case study, contributors from around the world explore the factors that create violent extremists, including criminogenic needs, violence-supportive cognition, religious beliefs, identity uncertainty or fusion, the quest for significance, and social and political influences. They present a multidisciplinary and evidenced-based analysis of how and why violent extremism has reappeared as a contemporary issue and provide theoretical and practical approaches to responding to and, when possible, intervening, using radicalization programs, deterrent and preventive legislations, prison segregation, and permanent monitoring.
On June 17, 2015, twelve members of the historically black Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina welcomed a young white man to their evening Bible study. He arrived with a pistol, 88 bullets, and hopes of starting a race war. Dylann Roof's massacre of nine innocents during their closing prayer horrified the nation. Two days later, some relatives of the dead stood at Roof's hearing and said, I forgive you. That grace offered the country a hopeful ending to an awful story. But for the survivors and victims' families, the journey had just begun. In Grace Will Lead Us Home, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Jennifer Berry Hawes provides the definitive account of the tragedy's aftermath. With unprecedented access to the grieving families and other key figures, Hawes offers a nuanced and moving portrait of the events and emotions that emerged in the massacre's wake. The two adult survivors of the shooting begin to make sense of their lives again. Rifts form between some of the victims' families and the church. A group of relatives fights to end gun violence, capturing the attention of President Obama. And a city in the Deep South must confront its racist past. This is the story of how, beyond the headlines, a community of people begins to heal. An unforgettable and deeply human portrait of grief, faith, and forgiveness, Grace Will Lead Us Home is destined to be a classic in the finest tradition of journalism.
Latin America is one of the most violent regions in the world. It has suffered waves of repressive authoritarian rule, organized armed insurgency and civil war, violent protest, and ballooning rates of criminal violence. But is violence hard-wired into Latin America? This is a critical reassessment of the ways in which violence in Latin America is addressed and understood. Previous approaches have relied on structural perspectives, attributing the problem of violence to Latin America's colonial past or its conflictual contemporary politics. Bringing together scholars and practitioners, this volume argues that violence is often rooted more in contingent outcomes than in deeply embedded structures. Addressing topics ranging from the root sources of violence in Haiti to kidnapping in Colombia, from the role of property rights in patterns of violence to the challenges of peacebuilding, The Politics of Violence in Latin America is an essential step towards understanding the causes and contexts of violence-and changing the mechanisms that produce it.
In popular perception cultural differences or ethnic affiliation are factors that cause conflict or political fragmentation although this is not borne out by historical evidence. This book puts forward an alternative conflict theory. The author develops a decision theory which explains the conditions under which differing types of identification are preferred. Group identification is linked to competition for resources like water, territory, oil, political charges, or other advantages. Rivalry for resources can cause conflicts but it does not explain who takes whose side in a conflict situation. This book explores possibilities of reducing violent conflicts and ends with a case study, based on personal experience of the author, of conflict resolution.
Covering a period from the late eighteenth century to today, this volume explores the phenomenon of urban violence in order to unveil general developments and historical specificities in a variety of Middle Eastern contexts. By situating incidents in particular processes and conflicts, the case studies seek to counter notions of a violent Middle East in order to foster a new understanding of violence beyond that of a meaningless and destructive social and political act. Contributions explore processes sparked by the transition from empires - Ottoman and Qajar, but also European - to the formation of nation states, and the resulting changes in cityscapes throughout the region.
In this fascinating new study, Aneeda Jan examines an enduring problem prevailing on an international scale. In the absence of any comprehensive approach, the phenomenon of honor killings is mainly viewed as a social menace than a criminal act demanding global solutions. Why is the menace of honor killing so rampant? How can we analyze or focus on social and legal measures adopted by different countries to prevent honor killings? To what extent have judicial bodies provided guidance to set standards regarding the prevention and control of honor killings? How much have social, moral, religious, and ethical values contributed towards the prevalence or prevention of honor killings? Honor Killings studies variations of the phenomenon and attempts to answer the questions posed above. Examining honor killings in India, Pakistan, and Jordan, Honor Killings is both doctrinal and non-doctrinal in its approach. Perpetrators of honor killings, which are not restricted to any one country or segment of society, demand absolute exemption from punishment. In certain states honor killing is neither recognized nor identified as a crime. It is only recently in certain states, including India, that this crime now falls within the rarest of rare cases deserving harsher punishments as interpreted by the judiciary. Honor killings are rarely reported, and thus the magnitude and extent of the crime cannot be correctly and accurately ascertained. Honor Killings gathers results from qualitative research. The non-doctorial part of the research is based on the data and information collected by questionnaires and interviews. The qualitative approach utilized in this research is uniquely suited to access the actual socio-legal perspective of honor killings. It was only by speaking to the people in their native environments and asking open-ended questions on the topic in the course of interaction that a sense of how honor killings are perceived and maintained in social, legal, moral and religious spheres.
While many studies of domestic collective violence, especially of the black riots of the 1960s, emphasize the causes of violence, James Button's is a major investigation of the consequences of violence. He not only analyzes how and to what extent the national government responded to the black urban riots, but he also moves toward a theoretical definition of the role of collective violence in a democratic society. In so doing, the author clarifies the utility or disutility of collective violence as a minority group strategy for effecting political change. Using a variety of sources and research techniques, Professor Button evaluates the effects of ghetto violence on public policy from a perspective that ranges from the earliest riots in 1963 to the later riots and their long-term impact through 1972. His use of rigorous empirical evidence to explore policy effects at the federal level fills the gap often left by more impressionistic research limited to case studies at a local level. The author's data indicate that many federal executive officials interpreted the acts of black urban violence in the 1960s as politically purposeful revolts intended to make demands upon those in power. James Button's work poses a serious challenge to those who argue that collective violence is apolitical, counterproductive, and pathological. Originally published in 1978. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
In this small book David Hemenway has produced a masterwork. He has dissected the various aspects of the gun violence epidemic in the United States into its component parts and considered them separately. He has produced a scientifically based analysis of the data and indeed the microdata of the over 30,000 deaths and 75,000 injuries which occur each year. Consideration and adoption of the policy lessons he recommends would strengthen the Constitutional protections that all of our citizens have to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. -Richard F. Corlin, Past President, American Medical Association This lucid and penetrating study is essential reading for anyone who wishes to understand the tragedy of gun violence in America and-even more important-what we can do to stop it. David Hemenway cuts through the cant and rhetoric in a way that no fair-minded person can dismiss, and no sane society can afford to ignore. -Richard North Patterson, novelist The rate of gun-related homicide, suicide, and accidental injury has reached epidemic proportions in American society. Diagnosing and treating the gun violence epidemic demands the development of public health solutions in conjunction with legislative and law enforcement strategies. -Kweisi Mfume, President and CEO of NAACP In scholarly, sober analytic assessments, including rigorous critiques of NRA-popularized pseudoscience, David Hemenway constructs a convincing case that firearm availability is a critical and proximal cause of unparalleled carnage. By formulating such violence as a public health issue, he proposes workable policies analogous to ones that reduced injuries from tobacco, alcohol, and automobiles. -Jerome P. Kassirer, Editor-in-Chief Emeritus, New England Journal of Medicine, and Distinguished Professor, Tufts University School of Medicine As a former District Attorney and Attorney General, I know the urgency of providing safe homes, schools and neighborhoods for all. This remarkable tour-de-force is a powerful study of one promising solution: a data-rich, eminently readable demonstration of why we should treat gun violence as an American epidemic. -Scott Harshbarger, Former Attorney General of Massachusetts, President and CEO of Common Cause On an average day in the United States, guns are used to kill almost eighty people, and to wound nearly three hundred more. If any other consumer product had this sort of disastrous effect, the public outcry would be deafening; yet when it comes to guns such facts are accepted as a natural consequence of supposedly high American rates of violence. Private Guns, Public Health explodes that myth and many more, revealing the advantages of treating gun violence as a consumer safety and public health problem. David Hemenway fair-mindedly and authoritatively demonstrates how a public-health approach-which emphasizes prevention over punishment, and which has been so successful in reducing the rates of injury and death from infectious disease, car accidents, and tobacco consumption-can be applied to gun violence. Hemenway uncovers the complex connections between guns and self-defense, gun violence and schools, gun prevalence and homicide, and more. Finally, he outlines a policy course that would significantly reduce gun-related injury and death. With its bold new public-health approach to guns, Private Guns, Public Health marks a shift in our understanding of guns that will-finally-point us toward a solution.